2:30Ottoman Caliph: What Happened After 1924?
“He embodied all the complexity and contradictions of the late Ottoman experience.”
"Medieval India was not a story of uniform religious persecution."
Medieval India was not a story of uniform religious persecution. Most rulers governed through accommodation, patronized temples, employed Hindu administrators. The destruction narrative is a selective reading of a mixed history curated for political use. But victimhood narratives don't require the history to be accurate. They require it to be felt. Now, this needs an organization to carry it, and that's where the RSS comes in. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is founded in 1925. Its second chief, M.S. Golwalkar, leads it for over 30 years and turns it from a fringe organization into a mass movement. Over a million members, dozens of affiliated groups, the network called the Sangh Parivar. Golwalkar's writing is not subtle. He says minorities have two choices: absorb entirely into Hindu culture or live at the majority's mercy. He looks at Nazi Germany's treatment of Jews and writes, admirably, that it is a good lesson for us in Hindustan to learn. He's not writing a fantasy. He's writing an operational plan. The RSS is not a command and control structure. It's more like a franchise. The RSS builds the ideology and trains the cadre. The BJP translates that into electoral power. The VHP and the Bajrang Dal are the street-level units, the ones who show up in the neighborhoods after incidents like Holi. Nobody calls headquarters. The ideology is the instruction set. That's what makes it so hard to stop.
2:30“He embodied all the complexity and contradictions of the late Ottoman experience.”
1:47“I Will Protect Mosque & Temple Both”- MP Imran Masood
1:04Aakar Patel examines how public mobilisation can shape government decisions—from the protests against the NRC and farm laws to the question of institutional accountability.
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