Interview

Building the Bridge Generation: Two Practitioners on an Islamic Model of Transformation

A former McKinsey consultant and a madrasa-trained educator explain why years of failure in slums, boardrooms and seminaries led them to a training model that treats the formation of the self, not skill alone, as the thing to be built.

Contents · 10 sections
  1. A divided inheritance
  2. A filmmaker who ended up in a slum
  3. Rasoolpura and the limits of charity
  4. From a Konkan village to the madrasa
  5. What McKinsey taught, and what it could not
  6. Leadership as giving
  7. How the Aman Fellowship works
  8. Youth, professionals and the Prophetic marketplace
  9. Tazkiya and the difference between spiritualities
  10. The majority the bridge has not reached

Every institution that shapes a Muslim child in India, the host of this Nous conversation argues at the outset, rests on a division: religious knowledge in one building, worldly knowledge in another, and a young person left to reconcile the two alone. The result is an identity crisis that is not peculiar to Muslims but presses on them hard. Over more than three hours, the discussion with Abdul Mujeeb Khan and Maulana Sadiq Falahi tries to describe what a repaired alternative might look like.

Khan is an engineer by training and a McKinsey-trained executive coach who, by his own account, spent 2011 to 2018 at the firm. Falahi is a madrasa-educated teacher, introduced as the founder of Darul Uloom Imam Rabbani and of an institute named after Shah Waliullah. They arrived at each other's work from opposite doors: Falahi asked what comes after the madrasa; Khan asked what comes after modern knowledge and corporate life.

Their joint answer is a set of programmes: the Aman Fellowship for imams and ulema, Trail Blazers for young people between 15 and 25, and a newer course for professionals called Architecture of the Heart. Their shared claim is about method: knowing what the Quran says is not the same as being formed by it.

A divided inheritance

The host places the conversation inside a wider argument. Any framework that claims truth has to describe a complete and meaningful life, he says, yet knowledge, institutions and lifestyles were pulled apart through the twentieth century, and the split runs through Muslim education. He traces his own route: a childhood in Saharanpur with many non-Muslim friends, then Jamia, where he found little appetite for serious discussion, then JNU, where people of every belief system argued with confidence.

His worry is scale. Platforms that reach a few thousand thinkers do little for a community of 20 to 25 crore living with trauma and a diminished sense of what the future can hold. Universities hand graduates a roadmap; in his telling, neither the seminary nor the secular campus hands a young Muslim one that joins worldly questions to religious ones,.

A filmmaker who ended up in a slum

Khan's story begins in Hyderabad, where communal violence in the mid-1970s, he recalls, left his family waiting anxiously for his father, a university teacher, who came home under police escort. At school, a teacher asked the class whether Muslims bathe only on Fridays. By tenth grade he felt his faith and the surrounding world were incompatible. Home ran two parallel streams, cinema and Quran lessons, and he chose to postpone religion.

He found belonging as head of the Hyderabad chapter of the student body AIESEC, studied communication, and set out to make films, assisting the director Sudhir Mishra. When a script and a producer were in place, his mother suffered a severe physical reaction and his father, he says, told him he was either inside the family or outside it. Khan spent nine months in grief, quarrelling with God. The way out came in an argument with friends over Taare Zameen Par: what would they do with that budget if they truly cared about neglected children? Make another film, or build a school and an ecosystem that does concrete work? Cinema, he concluded, starts conversations that are quickly forgotten. It could be an ally, not the end.

Studying revolutions, he decided they mostly replaced people while conditions stayed intact. Assignments for the World Bank in rural Andhra Pradesh then unsettled his faith in the standard development model. Money arrived, and with it satellite dishes and televisions, but also alcoholism, divorce and infidelity, as women in self-help groups were drilled to repeat that the money was theirs alone. When he documented this, he says, the Bank told him to delete it and measure only its mandated indicators. The host adds his own reading: development finance sits inside a market system, so a programme is judged by what it sells, not by what it does to households.

Rasoolpura and the limits of charity

In 2006 Khan was part of a volunteer network, the Bharat Uday Mission, that wanted to build a new India and learned that arguments alone would not. The activist Shanta Sinha suggested they walk through the slum of Rasoolpura beside Begumpet airport. They found children sniffing petrol and gambling, and resolved to adopt the settlement with no plan, on what he calls leadership's first principle: take responsibility.

An elder sent them to the local Zilla Parishad school, built for a thousand pupils, with collapsed classrooms and almost no teachers, because contract teachers had gone unpaid for eight months. Over ten years its tenth-grade pass rate averaged 13 percent. Their campaign, Freedom Under Construction, aimed to wall in and secure the school's remaining acre and a half, once part of about seven acres lost to encroachment. When the materials arrived, soldiers from the surrounding cantonment appeared and warned them off; the land's status was disputed, so the volunteers rebuilt the fallen classrooms overnight instead.

The deeper lesson came from the volunteers. Many saw the children as objects of pity. Khan says the team recast the tutoring scheme as a leadership programme in which a slum child's education was a challenge students and young professionals had to grow into. He reports that the school's pass rate rose from 13 percent to between 95 and 97 percent, that a clinic and early disability screening followed, and that a local fellowship took over the work. Their refrain from the start, he says, was "we are not here to stay."

From a Konkan village to the madrasa

Falahi was born in 1977 in a village in Ratnagiri district and grew up in a Kurla slum in Mumbai, where his father worked in the ports and the family lived for 27 years. Schooling at Anjuman Khairul Islam left him disillusioned. Teachers and the principal feuded for years, pupils were used to smash furniture, and he watched the elderly secretary being beaten. The first visibly religious teacher he met, an Aligarh graduate, was mocked as "Mulla ji" by the back benches, and Falahi says it still hurts.

He went to a madrasa hoping to become deeply devout and found the students were people like himself. Further institutions followed, then three years of teaching, then a school built on the idea of joining madrasa and school teaching. There he concluded that a school could not do the job, because Islamic studies got half an hour, and neither could a day madrasa, because children went home each evening to an environment that undid the work. What he wanted was an integrated personality, which meant a boarding institution.

He and a small team spent three years planning one, asking why a century of calls for joined-up education, from writers such as Sulaiman Nadwi and Manazir Ahsan Gilani, had produced so little. Their answer was a shortage of people and resources, so they designed a full package. Darul Uloom Imam Rabbani opened around 2012 or 2013. Falahi describes it as a first: a madrasa that charged fees, on the principle that donations may build buildings but parents should shoulder the cost of teaching. Scholars spent two years on campus, cleaning village drains and running weekly projects, in effect a leadership course without the label. The aim was a bridge generation able to speak to the madrasa-educated and the college-educated in their own languages. In 2015 he left, resolved not to found another institution.

What McKinsey taught, and what it could not

That year Falahi joined the Millat Foundation, a body that convenes Muslim-run schools. Its organisers asked him to vet a trainer they were about to hire, and the trainer was Khan. Falahi says he skipped the content and watched the process: how an audience is moved from one state to another. He had long told scholars that tarbiyat, the shaping of character, must itself be studied, and Khan's five-day programme answered that. The foundation later stopped supporting it, he says, because a hotel venue looked wasteful to some.

Khan had reached that programme by another road. After the World Bank he walked from Kanyakumari to Delhi in the wake of Anna Hazare's protests, arguing in villages that corruption starts below, in sold votes. He says the walk brought overtures from the RSS, an offer to join the BJP, and a remark from an RSS functionary that he should not think of himself as a Muslim. It made him question his own integrity, and after the Sachar Committee report he chose to work on Muslim communities directly. A social enterprise built around the Eid al-Adha livestock trade collapsed with heavy losses by 2017.

At McKinsey, hired in 2011 after a year-long vetting, he learned a sequenced model of change: build the individual, then relationships, then workflows and skills, and only then visionary leadership. He describes leadership development moving from armies and IQ to emotional intelligence and, by the 2000s, to spiritual intelligence, but grew uneasy with how it was packaged. A trainer who had coached McKinsey's senior faculty, he says, asked him to summon the Prophet's presence in the room, treating his tradition as a technique, and used a scale that placed the Quran's consciousness below other traditions. He left, convinced the firm's source of knowledge was a bucket and the Quran an ocean. His years there were, he now believes, a period in which God sent him to learn a method to bring back to the source.

Leadership as giving

Asked whether leaders are born or made, Khan first challenges the premise. Leadership has been equated with a seat and a title, he says, when it should be measured by benefit to others. If leadership is taking, the world becomes what it is now. His model is Umar, the second caliph, whom he portrays as anxious that a thorn in an animal's foot would be laid at his door on the Day of Judgement. That is amanah, trusteeship: body, time, wealth and office all belong to someone else.

His losses taught him the same lesson. He had made reform of the world his responsibility, he says, when his responsibility is to become a certain kind of person, with the work of reform as the means. The Quranic verse that God does not change a people's condition until they change what is within themselves seemed to describe what McKinsey was teaching in different language. Chasing outcomes is folly, he argues: a person who is becoming spreads good regardless, and God, not the individual's will, deploys him.

How the Aman Fellowship works

By 2017 Khan had decided to go deep into Muslim sources. The primary material for transformation is already in the Quran, hadith and the Prophet's biography, he argues; the missing piece is a method for turning it into experience. Muslim teaching relies on bayan, the sermon or lecture, which reports what God said. He wants a participant to live an ayah until it becomes a lens on the world and the self. McKinsey, in his view, excelled at codifying knowledge into such frameworks, and the ulema, who hold the content and a chain of transmission back to the Prophet, were the obvious first people to learn them.

Falahi supplies the diagnosis from inside the madrasa. Scholars learn Quran, hadith and jurisprudence, he says, but not how to turn them into projects. The imam wants to help but lacks ideas for networking, communication or mobilising local capacity, and so confines himself to a narrow radius. Khan adds that imamate has shrunk to leading prayers.

The fellowship runs for three years. It begins with the participant's relationship with God, then adds communication, problem-solving, data collection and analysis, project management, mobilisation and team-building. The target is that each fellow can develop at least another hundred people in their locality, so the fellow's presence eventually becomes dispensable. All of it, he says, is a means. The goal is to become a servant of God, so that those below the fellow are likewise oriented to God.

The host presses on what goodness means for a firm that triples its output: the question is how the gain is distributed, and Islam has contractual forms, musharaka and mudaraba among them, for how labour and capital share it. Without such a matrix, goodness can shade into exploitation, as with colonial firms that wrapped extraction in benevolence. Khan replies that the programme starts and ends with God, and that a person trained this way cannot cheat another because he is always standing before God.

Youth, professionals and the Prophetic marketplace

Trail Blazers runs for three and a half years. Khan calls 15 to 40 the age of transformation and says two answers matter most: who am I, and who is my Creator. The first phase, Trail Seeker, lasts six months, with three-day workshops and online classes. Trail Maker sends participants into social challenges, and in the last phase they are guided to form semi-autonomous youth collectives bound by a central constitution.

The third audience is professionals. Khan says Muslims need counsellors, student coaches, and marriage and parenting coaches, and that many professionals wonder whether they can stay Muslim, excel and lead while feeling whole. He wants coaches fluent in Islam, coaching and professional life. Architecture of the Heart, he says, draws on the nafs, the soul and the fitra from authentic sources rather than overlaying Islamic terms on a Western model.

He measures success by character: people moved by encountering a good person, couples and parents who model a healthy home, an economy less extractive and more collective. He points to the Prophet's market in Medina, which Jews and polytheists were willing to trade in because they trusted its rules.

Tazkiya and the difference between spiritualities

After Khan left for a flight, the host and Falahi took up the question left hanging: how to tell a corporate trainer's spirituality, or a Hindu or Buddhist teacher's, from tasawwuf, when all speak of remembrance, meditation and altered states. Falahi begins with a psychology of faculties. Humans have three: reason, anger and appetite. Each can go to excess or fall short. Too much reason becomes cunning, too little foolishness, and the mean is wisdom; too much anger becomes oppression, too little cowardice, and the mean is justice; the mean of appetite is chastity. Shariah, on his account, is the discipline of balance among them.

Many spiritual paths, he says, try to gain an extra power by suppressing or inflating one faculty. Some of what they cultivate may be real, like a mechanic's ear for an engine. The difference is the destination. In tasawwuf, he argues, every exercise is meant to end in bowing before God; elsewhere the aim is to strengthen the self, with no one to surrender to. Ecstatic utterances such as the claim to be God, he adds, may express intense closeness, but shariah cannot accept an experience others cannot share as a standard.

Falahi concludes that skill without God is as harmful as God without skill. Money has taken God's place in many transactions, he says, and services once done for neighbours, even matchmaking, have become paid consultancy. Madrasa graduates who leave without tazkiya, the purification of the self, meet the world unprepared, asked for skills while their spiritual anchor is weak. The ulema, who already carry Quran and hadith, are best placed to hold both.

The majority the bridge has not reached

The host closes by raising what remains. Citing reports, he says perhaps three to four percent of Muslim children attend madrasas, and even on a generous count 15 percent, so 80 to 85 percent have no link with that system. He tells ulema they have built bridge programmes for their own students but not for these. He sees Trail Blazers as a beginning.

Falahi explains why he joined Khan's work. He recognised in it the way the old Sufi masters shaped a person, lifting the veils of desire and sin between the self and God, and judged that together they might win acceptance from both the pious and the professional. Communities ask whose endorsement a programme carries, he says; for one Trail Blazers programme a senior scholar's letter was obtained, and once it ran, none was needed. The host urges viewers, who take courses in artificial intelligence and much else, not to assume that who they are can be settled by reading alone.

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