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In a self-published book that most Indian publishers refused to print, journalist Dayashankar Mishra traces mob lynching from Pune's Mohsin Sheikh to Dadri's Mohammad Akhlaq, arguing it is not spontaneous rage but an organised political weapon fuelled by hate speech.
In a self-published book built from years of ground reporting, journalist Dayashankar Mishra argues that mob lynching in India is not a spontaneous eruption of rage but the last stage of an engineered, rewarded chain of hate speech — one that courts, mainstream media and the political opposition have all gone quiet about.
Journalist Dayashankar Mishra's self-published book argues mob lynching in India runs on hate speech as fuel and impunity as reward, and that the silence around it now implicates courts, cinema and the opposition alike.
A historian argues that the case for mass Muslim support of Partition rests on a franchise of just 14 percent, a migration record too messy to read as a verdict, and a Congress party that had its own reasons to let Muslim-majority provinces go.
A historian argues that the evidence for Partition — a narrow colonial franchise and inconclusive migration data — cannot tell us whether Indian Muslims actually wanted Pakistan, and that assuming they did let everyone else off the hook.
Historian Javed Gaya argues that the electoral and migration evidence long cited for a Muslim mandate for Partition is far too thin to support the claim — and that treating it as settled has let India avoid a harder reckoning ever since.
Historian Imran Mulla on how the last Ottoman caliph, exiled to the French Riviera, and the Nizam of Hyderabad's dynasty tried — and failed — to relocate the seat of Islamic authority to India.
A historian's search for a forgotten Ottoman tomb in western India uncovers a decade-long scheme to rebuild the caliphate from the treasury of a princely Muslim state, and the Indian anti-colonial movement it grew out of.
Historian Imran Mulla's forgotten history of the alliance between the last Ottoman caliph and Hyderabad's Nizam shows how a 1931 royal marriage became a bid to relocate the caliphate to India — and what it reveals about a more interconnected Islamic world.
Dr Syed Zafar Mahmood, a retired IAS officer who overhauled Hajj logistics and Waqf administration from inside government before founding the Zakat Foundation of India, argues that Indian Muslims already hold the institutions, data and resources to lift themselves, if only they organised them.
A retired civil servant who helped shape the Sachar Committee report argues that India's Muslims already have the resources they need, and that the real work now is building institutions patient enough to use them.
From reforming the Haj bureaucracy to writing Waqf reform into the Sachar Committee's report, Dr Syed Zafar Mahmood argues India's Muslims already have the resources to lift themselves — if only the community organised to use them.
A historian traces Muslim participation in India's freedom struggle, from the 1857 uprising to the Quit India movement, against the record of the organisations now questioning it.
Answering a question about Muslim loyalty during Partition, a speaker in this Nous Explainer redirects the loyalty test toward the Hindu right, walking through the Khilafat and Quit India movements, Netaji's Indian National Army, and the disputed arithmetic of 1857.
Asked why some Muslims did not back Partition, a historian speaking to Nous flips the question onto the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha, asking what role they played in the freedom struggle at all.
Historian Dr. Shamsul Islam argues that the two-nation theory usually blamed solely on Jinnah has a documented pedigree in Hindu nationalist politics decades older — and that the Muslims who organised against Partition in 1940 have been almost entirely written out of the story.
Historian Shamsul Islam argues that a 1943 Delhi gathering of nearly a hundred thousand people, representing the majority of India's Muslims, opposed Partition — and that both the Muslim League's mandate and the roots of the Two-Nation Theory have been badly misremembered.
Historian Shamsul Islam argues the two-nation theory was pioneered by Hindu nationalist leaders decades before Jinnah, and that the Muslim League's 1946 mandate came from barely five percent of Muslims who could even vote — a history erased along with the mass movement that opposed Partition.
